"They all hold swords, being expert in war" - The Sword in Combat

It is a common belief that swords were useless in war, or hardly used at all (or only used when the situation was not ideal). And these are not strawmen! I have personally seen all of these things (and more) said! Even the some of the most generous claims are still quite harsh and backhanded ("only good for duels", "great civilian weapon", etc.). But the fact of the matter is, the sword was a weapon of war, carried for centuries, sometimes in areas where they didn't have refined metallurgy either! So how could that be if swords were useless against armor and defeated entirely by reach? I have gathered up quite the collection for this one over the years (which I posted on the internet before, so you may find them out there), so enjoy!

The Reach Disadvantage

These ideas regarding the sword are largely based on (poor) logic (and HEMA tests done by those who rarely train with mixed weapons; or hardly use spears at all, and fencing skills naturally transfer from one weapon to another), so therefore, this will part will mostly be logic; largely the theorike of my own rather than the practike of the ancients. If you want to get to the quotes, they will be mostly further down, and if you are smart enough, you will be able to form a good opinion solely on the quotes. So feel free to skip the logic if you wish to!

The sword is generally short (the great two-handed ones being the exception rather than the rule), and when compared to longer polearms, the difference is obviously clear. But hafted arms are not without their disadvantages either! For because their haft is made of wood, they are more fragile than swords; and owing to their length, they very easily become overlong. None of these things contradict the initial presumptions, that swords were only used in less-than-ideal situations or rarely used, except that if combat was but a game of reach (or a game of chicken, wherein "morale" decided all affairs), then why would the sword ever be carried at all, let alone used? Only the first ranks do most (obviously not all) of the "initial" combat (I am referring to the time before the ranks break; plenty of combat occurs afterwards), even pikemen at most will only have 5 or so ranks at max aiding in combat, so if one of the front ranker's weapons broke, he could likely retire under the cover his comrades and retrieve a new weapon (or if he could not retire due to the density of the formation, he would die anyways, since reach decides all). And if reach was the most important thing, then the threat of an opponent closing would not be very high as the impetus to do so would not be either.

So with this logical argument, we can be sure that swords were never used in combat, at least against sane opponents who valued their own lives; or opponents who were smart and knew reach decided all. But of course that is obviously not true (as I will prove), so how can reach be so important, yet swords were still used? Because closing with the opponent, and then creating a gap for one's comrades to enter in was important for victory! For when the pell mell (that is, the chaotic melee, usually used in reference for the foot; melee being reserved for the horse) starts to become rare for the pikemen in Europe, the said pikemen start to stop carrying swords.

"It is both a grief, and a shame, to see how few Pikemen, in most of our ordinary Companies, have Swords by their sides, and the Musketeers seldom any; when a man looks not like a Soldier, without a Sword; and 'tis the Sword which does the chiefest Execution, either in the Battel, or after the Routing of an Enemy: The Greeks and Romans made it ignominious for a Soldier to lose his Sword, even in Fight; I wish we would make it the like for a Soldier to go to Fight without his Sword, or indeed so much as to see a Soldier without his Sword."

- Roger Boyle, A treatise of the art of war, 1677

Roger Boyle was a salty old veteran, who served in Ireland during the English Civil War, so his experience 20-30 years prior to writing giving to his opinion might very well be due to a shift in military practice; if you may consider this to be such a short period of time for such a drastic change, then you should know halberd and other short arms fell out of use within the battle/battalion of pikes within a similar time range; the authors who remarked upon it considered this due to the lack of pell mells, as one side usually gave way long before then, so the initial encounter was what decided the fights (and having more pikes is better for the clash).

"As few [halberds or bills] as might be, for in their steds farre better were so many armed Pikes, in mine opinion, considering that in set Battailes when men come to the shock, or push of the Pike, they sarrie close together, and the first three, fiue, or seuen rankes do beare the chiefe brunt; and entred so farre, men buckle Pell-Mell, close together, by which time commonlie the one side reculeth or swayeth, and a battell once reculing doth not lightlie hold long, so that ere the Center of the Battaill be touched one side must fall to disaray; men once disordered, they commonly fall to rout, the rout is pursued with slaughter and ruine. Against horse the like reasons are to be made: thus either to offend or defend, farre better is the Pike, then either Bill, or Halbard. 

[...] 

For who doth not know that if the enemy be like to be victor, the armed pikes will yeeld backward as they feele themselues distressed, so as when the pikes are in such maner crashed and clustred together, that they can no longer charge and push with their pikes, then will the throng or presse in the center be so great, that the halberds and bils shall haue little roome to strike; nay short swords will hardly haue rome at that instant either to thrust or to strike. I would thinke daggers would do more execution at that time, and in that presse vntill one side fall to flight: so I see no reason at all for halberds or bills to haue place in a battell or stand of pikes: Besides the vnseemely shew they make either by themselues in the center, or mingled among pikes."

- Robert Barret, The theorike and practike of moderne vvarres, 1598

Here we may see Robert Barret considered short weapons, such as bills, halberds, etc., as unprofitable amongst the pikes. And where in the early 16th century they were important (for often they held the third, fourth, or fifth rank; Philippe de Cleves in the early 16th century in his Instruction de toutes manieres de Guerroyer tant par terre que par mer prescribed two ranks of halberds after four ranks of pikes), by the 17th century, they were largely left to the protection of the shot (and often for the defense of the ensign, against the advice of Barret; in very low numbers, it should be said), or other actions outside of the stand of pikes.

"If any shall question why in this A, B, C, I set downe postures onely for two weapons, let him bee pleased to receiue this for satisfaction, all short weapons as Targateers, Billmen, or Holbardeers, are in these times meerely out of vse..."

- I. T. Gent., The A, B, C, of armes, 1616

But just over 10 years prior to Robert Barret's writing, we read of halberds, slaugh swords, and whatnot being commonly used in the manner contrary to his prescription, and you may read a couple such here.

The only logical conclusion, therefore, is that all short arms, including swords, fell out of use due to the lessening of the pell mells (whether duration, importance, or actual occurences); ergo, when pell mells were something important to consider, swords were both not only just carried, but used and useful. And the sources agree with such a position, although I must finish this discussion on reach first.

Reach, although certainly advantageous, is not the sole determiner of combat. And especially that of combat on the field when arrayed and wearing any sort of armor; for when one is arrayed, movement is constrained (even with three feet allowance to the flanks and rear that many orders had, although I will cover that another day); and armor makes reach not so overwhelming. In fact, full armor often encourages one to move forward and to fight with their weapons short (whether half sword or half axe), although we can probably say not always. But even lighter armor likewise prevents reach from being so dominating, as only more powerful blows will do any significant harm to maille or padded armor; and points are harder to be precise with the further away from the lead hand they are, and therefore there is a greater chance of missing. This is not to say you cannot accurately thrust at the throat with a pike, only that utilizing its full reach is riskier in such a case; and when we assume they will defend themselves, blows partially warded, where they might have been lacerated if they were without arms, the blow might become harmless if they only meet steel.

"When the captain is valiant in his limbs, he can break through among the first, and open a place through the point where he breaks through, in such a way that all his men follow him with agreeable and deliberate spirit. But if the captain withdraws and is so weak that he falls in the first conflict without a blow, or does not suffice to personally defeat any of the enemies, the whole of his army will enter the war with a chilled spirit."

- Pietro Monte, Exercitiorum Atque Artis Militaris Collectanea, 1509

And although the file-leader in an array has comrades who may succor him in case of being charged by a swordsman who has "bridged the gap", so too does the swordsman have comrades to aid him in his assault! And as the men in the rear are inherently inhibited by the man in front, it is not as easy as "just stab him"; but the threat of the neighboring files being overwhelmed by such an assault is real (if we assume the men behind are keen and follow the file leader). But of course, such an assault might fail due to the difficulty in bridging the gap (many things are easier said than done!); or, the ones with polearms might draw their own swords or daggers and repel them (and we have already established that although it may be a less-than-ideal scenario for the man with the long arm, it is not for the swordsman, who has forced his opponent to give up his weapon!).

"And that there is no precise rule about the length of weapons is fittingly shown, since he who bears those a little longer has an advantage on the enemy, but not for when they are very closely joined, where one cannot move the arm freely to bring a blow. 

[...] 

... if both fighters know little, a weapon-length [difference] of three or four fingers more or less is of little concern, for they always enter to strike with the middle of the sword, and with a deliberate blow. But those who embrace great art [in arms] have a great advantage or security by one finger's weapon-length. And if they throw a point without the arms being abandoned, they go back to recollect the weapon to themselves and to strike many other blows. If one person is skilled and holds a weapon which is slightly longer, while the other has had little teaching and has a weapon shorter than the enemy's, the advantage to him who knows is great, and having art, even though a shorter weapon is taken hold of, a man can defend himself competently, especially against those who have little knowledge."

- Pietro Monte, Exercitiorum Atque Artis Militaris Collectanea, 1509

And Pietro Monte fully understands the power of reach; the length he prescribes for the pollaxe is about 7 feet long! He is quite realistic, but likewise note that he does not portray reach as something undefeatable; to him, it is a matter of skill (and particularly the skill of facing long weapons).

And further, regarding skill, people of "equal skill" do not always completely match one another: often one will be often better at certain things than their opponent. One may be better with a sword and the other may be better with a spear; and likewise, one may be better with a sword facing a spear than his opponent is with a spear facing a sword, or the reverse! For there are plenty of techniques that can be applied if the swordsman gets behind the spear's point, just as there are plenty of techniques that allowed the swordsman to get past that point in the first place. But it should be noted that the sword in most places in the pre-modern period was the weapon carried everywhere; and because of such, many would likely have more experience with a sword than with a polearm, even if they would customarily use their polearm first on the field of battle. Those well practiced in all skills pertaining to the art of fencing, the "martial classes", would therefore have the greatest advantage in combat because of this. But that same skill would likewise lessen (but not remove!) the drastic effect of reach seen in so many tests, as said by Monte.

And sometimes I have read that swords are better in duels than spears. I am unsure where this idea came from, since one can step anywhere they wish and move their weapon in any way they wish when not constrained by numbers; these things wholly aiding long weapons more than they aid swords or daggers or the sort. And because there are no other opponents that you have to watch out for, any chances for an opening (such as momentarily needing to defend yourself from another man) will be from the man directly opposing you or from your own fault. And although in an ordered formation, there is someone to aid the man with the polearm should someone attempt to close the distance; he is by nature inhibited in the actions he can do because of the man (or men) in front blocks both his vision and his own movements. And because armor is generally not being worn in such a scenario (that is, civilian life), light blows are more dangerous (such as sliding the haft through the lead hand), and the danger of missing is less. The sword is the one carried in the civilian world because it is easy to carry, not because it is most advantageous in that scenario. Perhaps it obvious now why polearms were not allowed to be carried throughout the city.

And to conclude this section, since it is quite long winded; reach is important and advantageous, but it is not the only factor that determines the victor; and its advantages are lessened by the common factors of war (defensive arms being worn and soldiers being in an ordered body). This is not to say the polearm is worse than the sword in battle; only that the sword is greatly important, even if the polearm is often the first weapon used.

With that out of the way, now for the fun parts!

The Sword Amongst the Horse

The horseman especially needs a sidearm; his horse does not perfectly respond to his commands, and the horse itself impedes the actions of the rider. These things make the lance (or other polearms; I will mostly refer to the lance but the problems inhibit all long arms) very often unprofitable. Lances likewise commonly break upon impact, and even with the fact that you can still use the remaining part (at least with speed), when in battle, the initial clash will almost immediately turn into a melee due to the speed of the horses driving the lines forward towards each other. And when charging infantry, the length of the weapon may become hazardous to hold onto as it may be grabbed by the footmen beneath. And so important are these sidearms, that many often carried two or three (the others often being worn at the saddle).

"The lances broken, at the encounter of whom fell to the earth on all sides, many men at arms, and many horses, each began to use with the same ferocity their iron maces, and estocs [stocchi], and other short arms, the horses fighting with kicks, with bites, with shock, no less than the men..."

- Francesco Guicciardini, La Historia di Italia, 1561, Translation by Me

Monte explicitly writes that estocs are the most used weapon by men at arms when on horseback. So already we have something that directly disproves the idea that swords were rarely or never used.

"Since, when bearers of weapons are armoured in white and heavy armour and fighting on horseback, they use, above all other weapons, what is called stocchi [estoc] in the vernacular..."

- Pietro Monte, Exercitiorum Atque Artis Militaris Collectanea, 1509

The rest of the passage uses this information to explain why a strong horse is necessary for that kind of combat (which I have omitted for obvious reasons).

"The Grand Master began to strike at them with the tip of his lance. Hernando de Monrroy, who was also carrying a lance, did nothing but shove men over the parapet; and in view of the fact that the lance of the Grand Master, Don Alonso de Monrroy, did not last long due to the fact he was being pushed on, because in that area many people had charged, he laid hands on his sword and tossed his adarga shield, which was smashed to pieces, from his arm."

- Alonso de Maldonado, Vida e historia del Maestre de Alcántara don Alonso de Monroy, 1492

"And the knights on both sides, having lost their lances, drew their swords, and they were all tangled with each other, attacking each other so mercilessly that many of them, because they were fighting in such close quarters, were unable to avail themselves of their swords and fought with their daggers."

- Hernando del Pulgar, Crónica de los señores reyes católicos, ~1492

"But when he saw that the knights were filled with German fury – for his exhortation had injected a certain invincible courage in their hearts – he formed his lines and specified precisely which ones were to fight at first, which were to break into the fighting enemy forces from the flank, which ones were to bring help to those in trouble in the fight, while he himself took position where he could bring help with the most highly selected men. And now he moved into the fight against the Romans with raised banners and widely deployed cohorts, placing his hope in God. The archbishop of Cologne, however, armed himself and the garrison of the castle and all his men, a number estimated as 300 well-armed knights, in order to be able to give help under any circumstances, and he remained calmly in the castle until the start of the battle. After the battle had begun and the lances were broken at the first clash of the armies, the fight was carried on with swords, while the archers on both sides obscured the light of day with their arrows as if they were snow flakes. And behold, the archbishop of Cologne, breaking out of the castle with his eager knights, attacked the Romans from the rear and pushed against them courageously, so that they were surrounded on all sides, attacked from front and rear. While the Romans therefore were fighting only with the weight of their mass, Bishop Christian with his men penetrated their battle line from the flank, tore the middle of their formation apart, and covered with blows the enemy that was thus skillfully separated into three groups. After many had been killed and a number taken prisoner, the defeated Romans took to flight and, pursued by their conquerors up to the city, they were cut down in the bloodiest slaughter. After they had called back their knights from this butchery, the bishops returned to the battlefield and spent that night celebrating with the greatest joy."

- Ottonis de Sancto Blasio, Chronici ab Ottone Frisingensi conscripti continuatio, 1209

"Thus with the Turks approaching, [and] the Christians advancing against, with great vigor they fought from here to there: the bow did nothing, the lance very little, the sword the most."

- Radulphus Cadomensis, Gesta Tancredi in expeditione Hierosolymitana, ~1118, Translation by Me

"After a while the Franks, having broken their lances against the bodies of the infidels, started in with their swords. How many bodies fell with their heads cut off and how many could be seen there with some of their limbs slashed, because the rear columns of the army were pushing the front columns onto the swords of their killers!"

- Robertus Monachus, Historia Hierosolymitana, ~1110

"It happened that the battalions were approaching the Germans, who were advancing at the front. They attacked the lord of Karytaina, and the lord of Karytaina, who was one of the bravest knights in the world at that time, gave them a hard fight. At the clash of lances, the lord of Karytaina attacked the duke of Carinthia, one of the noblest and most valiant princes of Germany. The lord of Karytaina struck the duke’s shield so hard, he knocked him and his horse over in a heap. From the fall he sustained, the duke broke his neck and died. Immediately afterward, the lord of Karytaina struck down two more German barons, who were the duke’s relatives. When his lance had broken, he seized his sword and began to inflict so much carnage that all those who saw it were amazed."

- Anonymous, Τὸ χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, The Chronicle of the Morea, ~1310

"And the Lord King was now here, now there, now on the right, now on the left, and fought so hard with his sword that it broke all to pieces. And at once he seized his mace, with which he attacked better than any man in the world. And he approached the count of Nevers, who was chief of that company, and with his mace gave him such a blow on the helmet that he felled him to the ground."

- Ramon Muntaner, Chronica, ~1325

"And the Lord Infante, who knew that they were coming specially for him, gave the first of them such a blow with his lance, that he thrust it right through him, so that he cast him dead to the ground. And then he seized his mace and rushed upon another and gave him such a blow on the helmet he was wearing that his brains issued out of his ears. What shall I tell you? With his mace he cast four men dead to the ground. And then the mace broke and he seized his sword, and cleared such a space for himself that nothing could resist him."

- Idem, Chronica, ~1325

"Many of the French at the first clash fell and were cut down. For they carry shorter lances, therefore they felt the first blows; indeed, the French seemed more suited with the sword, for it is shorter, [and] it is considered [to be] more suitable."

- Alessandro Benedetti, Diaria de bello Carolino, 1496, Translation by Me

"And the masses together collided, committing to a bloody war. The crashing of lances, the ringing of swords, the sudden clamor of strikes, the cries of the dying, the lamentations of the wounded, [all] heard within the very clash, appearing to disturb the air. For an exceedingly long time they quarreled with swords ringing about their heads, and on both sides, the opposing parties were fighting courageously."

- Johannis de Trokelowe, Annales, ~1330, Translation by Me

"On that same day, while I was with one part of the army locked in battle, I saw a cavalryman charge one of our own horsemen and thrust his spear in our comrade’s horse, killing it. Our man was now fighting on foot on the ground, but I could not make out who he was due to the distance between us. So I spurred my horse on towards him, fearing for his safety once that Frank had speared him. The Frank's quntariya was still stuck in the man’s horse as it lay there dead with its intestines spilling out. The Frank withdrew from him a short distance and, drawing his sword, took his position facing him."

- Usama ibn Munqidh, كتاب الاعتبار, The Book of Contemplation, 1183

"The way these Kanto warriors are, they just ride straight over a dead father or son and keep fighting. The enemy are many and our arrows few. When we run out of them, it will come to swords."

- Anonymous, 保元物語, Hōgen monogatari, ~1320

"We must do what the occasion calls for, said Tadanobu. If the monks attack, I will shoot arrows as fast as I can until my quiver is empty and then rush in among them to fight with my sword. When I finally draw my dagger to kill myself, I will say, 'Although I wanted you to take me for Yoshitsune, I am Satō Shirobyõe, a retainer who borrowed his master's name to demonstrate his loyalty on the field of battle. Show my head to the Lord of Kamakura. If I kill myself that way, nobody can criticize the use of your name'."

- Anonymous, 義経記, Gikeiki, 15th Century

"If you run into many horsemen as a group, do not fight with them after you entered into the middle of the group, [but rather] move at the edge [of the group] and fight all around [them], if you are equipped with a lance, because one who has a lance cannot perform in the crowd. Narrow places belong to the one who has a sword, only God knows better."

- Anonymous, Munyatu'l-ghuzat, Wish of the Warriors of the Faith, 14th Century

"They kept this up for three days but the fighting intensified and they came to close quarters, abandoning lances and exchanging sword blows. As this continued, although both sides were exhausted, Khafāja's fresh ambushers suddenly appeared. 'Ubāda fled and Khafāja were victorious. Twelve 'Ubāda chiefs were slain and several men of Khafaja."

- Ali ibn al-Athir, الكامل في التاريخ, al-Kāmil fit-Tārīkh, 1231

"... everyone together shouting and throwing in their yari, [they] clashed [with the enemy] from side to side and front to back [十文字], pursuing in a spiral [巴の字], [both sides] mutually hewing and striking down [one another]. The noise of the tsuba of tachi [太刀の鍔音] [being struck], the cries of arrows, the noise of teppo, [all] resounding [throughout] Heaven and Earth, even in the vast Musashino; a great deal was heard."

- Anonymous, 異本小田原記, I hon Odawara-ki, 17th Century, Translation by Me

"The Turks next encamped in a circle round the Latins, and did not allow them to move out either for foraging or even to lead the beasts of burden or horses to water. The Franks now saw destruction staring them in the face, and with utter disregard of their lives, armed themselves strongly the following day (this was Wednesday) and engaged the enemy in battle. The Turks had them in their power, and therefore no longer fought with spears or arrows, but drew their swords and made the battle a hand-to-hand fight and soon routed the Normans, who retreated to their camp, and sought a counsellor. But the excellent emperor to whom they would not listen when he gave them sensible advice, was not at hand, so they appealed to Raymond and Tzitas for advice, and at the same time enquired whether there was any place under the emperor’s jurisdiction nearby to which they could repair. They actually left their baggage, tents and all the infantry where they were, and rode off as speedily as they could on their horses to the seacoast of the Armenian theme and Paurae. Then the Turks made a sudden descent upon the camp and carried off everything and afterwards pursued and overtook the infantry and annihilated them completely, except for a few whom they captured and carried back to Chorosan as specimens. Such were the exploits of the Turks against the Normans; and Raymond and Tzitas with the few surviving knights reached the capital."

- Anna Komnene, Ἀλεξιάς, "Alexiad", 1148

"Those who had remained in camp saw a ball of dirt rise into the sky as if from a whirlwind. Although even the most courageous men are accustomed to be thrown into confusion by a sudden and unexpected calamity during battle, nevertheless they snatched up their arms very quickly and boldly met the enemy. Battle was engaged with the greatest vigor. The clash of arms and the cries of the men rose up to the clouds. Lances were broken in the first encounter, so they took to the sword—until, with God carrying the work, the Saxons were turned to flight. Our men had the victory but it was a very bloody one. Because the warriors of the second rank had already gone ahead with the booty, in this battle only nobles were killed: Alexius, his son-in-law Ratibor, Braniš with his brother Slava, and many others. Comes Předa barely escaped death, having lost his foot. The duke’s son was wounded under his right thumb; if the head of the sword in his hand had not blocked the blow, he would have lost his whole hand. This slaughter was committed on 2 July [1086]."

- Cosmas Decanus, Chronica Boemorum, 1225

"The royalists began the prelude to the fight, which they call Justam, as they were skilled in that exercise: but when they saw that the consular party, so it was said, did not attack from a distance with lances, but at close quarters with swords, and broke the king's ranks with violent and determined onset, the earls, to a man, for six of them had entered the conflict, together with the king, consulted their safety by flight."

- Willelmi Malmesbiriensis, Gesta Regum Anglorum, ~1125

"Then Pero Rodrigues and the squires braced their lances under their arms and, all crying out, For Portugal and Saint George! they launched an attack on the enemy. The commanders, with their men, rode towards them valiantly, calling back, For Castile and Saint James! When the lances clashed together, ten Castilians fell to the ground, and two of the Portuguese. After the lances had been lost they did battle with swords, and attacked each other with spirit."

- Fernão Lopes, Cronica del Rei Dom Joham I, 1443

"So they fought together now, confronting the Saracens first with fierce, stout lances and then, when the lances were done, they drew their swords and went in subtle search of gaps in armour."

- Johannes Cuvelier, La Chanson de Bertrand du Guesclin, ~1380

"There was a sharp and terrible conflict between the soldiers who engaged, and especially also between the leaders. For Pantauchus, who was confessedly the best of the generals of Demetrius for bravery, dexterity, and vigour of body, and had both courage and a lofty spirit, challenged Pyrrhus to a hand-to-hand combat; and Pyrrhus, who yielded to none of the kings in daring and prowess, and wished that the glory of Achilles should belong to him by right of valour rather than of blood alone, advanced through the foremost fighters to confront Pantauchus. At first they fought with spears, then, coming to close quarters, they plied their swords with might and skill. Pyrrhus got one wound, but gave Pantauchus two, one in the thigh, and one along the neck, and put him to flight and overthrew him; he did not kill him, however, for his friends haled him away. Then the Epeirots, exalted by tile victory of their king and admiring his valour, overwhelmed and cut to pieces tile phalanx of the Macedonians, pursued them as they fled, slew many of them, and took five thousand of them alive."

- Plutarch, Βίοι Παράλληλοι, Bíoi Parállēloi, Parallel Lives, Early 2nd Century

"When the forces of Eumenes had crossed the intervening hill and were seen coming on to the attack with a swift and impetuous dash, Craterus was dumbfounded and heaped much abuse upon Neoptolemus for having deceived him about the Macedonians changing sides; but he exhorted his officers to act like brave men, and charged upon the enemy. The first collision was severe, the spears were quickly shattered, and the fighting was done with the swords."

- Idem, Βίοι Παράλληλοι, Bíoi Parállēloi, Parallel Lives, Early 2nd Century

"Their opponents also advanced; and first there was a cavalry action on the extreme wings between the troops of the advance guards in which the men of Demetrius had much the better of it. But after a little, when Ptolemy and Seleucus had ridden around the wing and charged upon them more heavily with cavalry drawn up in depth, there was severe fighting because of the zeal of both sides. In the first charge, indeed, the fighting was with spears, most of which were shattered, and many of the antagonists were wounded; then, rallying again, the men rushed into battle at sword's point, and, as they were locked in close combat, many were slain on each side. The very commanders, endangering themselves in front of all, encouraged those under their command to withstand the danger stoutly; and the horsemen upon the wings, all of whom had been selected for bravery, vied with each other since as witnesses of their valour they had their generals, who were sharing the struggle with them."

- Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica, ~35 B.C.

"A trooper of the Hussars, named Hayes, attacked a spearman, who parried his sword thrusts with one of the hippopotamus-hide shields carried by most of the enemy. The trooper tried in vain to cut the man down, but his horse was too restive to render this practicable. Hayes then coolly dismounted, and after parrying a spear thrust, killed his opponent with a sword cut."

- Charles Royle, The Egyptian Campaigns, 1900

The Sword Amongst the Foot

But although the horseman especially needs a sidearm, the footman as well entirely needs it, as discussed in the beginning. Closing the opponent is important for victory (since victory demands that one side must take it when a road to it appears) and although polearms do not break as often for the footmen than with the horsemen (since they do not have the speed of the horse to aid their strikes), we still read of them breaking. And likewise, they (and the horsemen, as seen above) will often throw their lances to make a path to charge (and then draw their sidearms). Likewise, swords were much more common amongst the commons than people think. While I won't go into too much detail (I have not saved a lot of the examples, so this is largely a "trust me bro"), the English 1242 Statute of Winchester, for example, required the second to last wealth range to own swords; the class under them were to bring sickles and "other lesser arms", and this group did not make up the soldiery. However, ordinances that do not mention swords does not necessarily prove the absence of the sword; in the same 1242 ordinance, none of the wealth classes are required to own spears; however, we can safely assume this is an assumption that they will have them (as spears were common), rather than proof that the mid-13th century English military was entirely made up of bowmen and swordsmen. Likewise, swords in the Late Medieval period and Early Modern period were extremely common, yet often they are omitted from the requirements. The frequency that the sword shows up in civilian life as well as accounts leads to the position that these are just omissions and they assume they have sidearms (in the same sense they assume they have clothes; the omission is not proof that soldiers did not wear clothes).

"The heavy infantry, who are drawn up in the front line, advance still closer to the enemy. If the men have darts or missile weapons, they throw them, resting their lances on the ground. If without such weapons, they advance more closely, then hurl their lances like javelins, take out their swords and fight, each man remaining in his proper position and not pursuing the enemy if they turn to retreat. The men to the rear keep their heads covered with their shields and with their lances support those in the front. Obviously, it is essential for the soldiers in the first line to keep themselves protected until they come to blows with the enemy. Otherwise, they might be hit by enemy arrows, especially if they do not have coats of mail or greaves."

- Maurice, Στρατηγικόν, Strategikon, ~600

"... in such sort as by the nearnes of the formost ranks of their enemies before them, they haue not spaceenough againe to thrust; nor that by the nearnes of their fellowes ranks next behind them, they haue any conuenient elbowe roome to pull backe their piques to giue a new thrust; by meanes whereof they haue vtterly loste the vse of their piques, they therfore must either presentlie let them fall to the ground as vnprofitable; or else may with both their hands dart, and throw them as farre forward into & amongst the ranks of their enemies as they can, to the intent by the length of them to trouble their ranks, and presently in the twinkling of an eie or instant, must draw their short arming swordes and daggers, and giue a blow and thrust (tearmed a halfe reuerse, & thrust) all at, and in one time at their faces: And therewithall must presentlie in an instant, with their daggers in their left hands, thrust at the bottome of their enemies bellies vnder the lammes of their Cuyrasses, or at any other disarmed parts..."

- John Smythe, Certain discourses, 1590

"Then the raiding party of Norwegians, which had great spoils, attacked Cennétig. When they had heard those noblemen being slain, they had left their raid and their booty, and had come hard and actively against Cennétig. Foreign, barbarous cries were raised there, and the noise of many war trumpets, and a crowd were saying Núi, nú! Then many arrows were loosed between them, and short spears, and finally they took to their heavy and hard-smiting swords. Nevertheless, God was helping the son of Gáethíne and his troops; the Norwegians were overcome, and left the place of battle; they went in rout after their bloody defeat."

- Anonymous, Fragmentary Annals of Ireland

"Almost at this time Rodolb came with his armies to plunder Osraige. Cerball son of Dúnlang assembled an army against them, and gave them battle, and routed the Norwegians. However, a large troop of the defeated people rode their horses up a high hill, and they were looking at the slain around them, and they saw their own people being killed in the manner in which they slaughtered sheep. Great passion seized them, and what they did was to draw their swords and take their arms, and to attack the Osraige so that they killed many of them; nevertheless they were driven back in rout. At Áth Muiceda that defeat was given. Then trouble occurred for Cerball himself there; that is, when the defeat was accomplished, and he was separated from his attendants, a group of the Norwegians came to him and took him captive. But through the Lord's help he was aided: he himself tore his clothes and the fetters that were on him, and he got away from them safely. Great indeed was the massacre that was made of the Norwegians there."

- Idem, Fragmentary Annals of Ireland

"And at first striking mutually with their spears, and by the frequency of the blows, the majority shattered, [and] they fell to the struggle of the sword."

- Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica, ~35 B.C., Translation by Me

"The whole affair being now a trial of strength between man and man at close quarters, as the combatants used their swords and not their spears, the superiority was at first on the side of the dexterity and daring of the mercenaries, which enabled them to wound a considerable number of the Romans."

- Polybius, Ἱστορίαι, Historíai, ~150 BC

"The Tribunes accordingly gave out the spears of the Triarii, who are the last of the three ranks, to the first ranks, or Hastati: and ordering the men to use their swords only, after their spears were done with, they charged the Celts full in front."

- Polybius, Ἱστορίαι, Historíai, ~150 BC

"... Nakane Kizo [中根喜蔵] and the [Ikko] Ikki came together with yari [鑓を合す], [Watanabe] Moritsuna [守綱] rushed under his [Nakane’s] yari, wielding his tachi [太刀], [and] cut Nakane, Nakane [then] abandoned his yari, [and] unsheathed his tachi and crossed swords [切合] [with Moritsuna]..."

- Anonymous, 寛永諸家系図伝, Kan'ei shoka keizu-den, ~1642, Translation by Me

"The Turk met him, sword in hand, and the Frank thrust his spear at him. But the Turk pushed the spearhead away from him with his shield and stepped forward to his enemy, putting himself in where the Frank’s spear had been."

- Usama ibn Munqidh, كتاب الاعتبار, The Book of Contemplation, 1183 

"After the Saxons had spoken in this way, the Franks were amazed at the enormous size and fierce spirit of these men. They also wondered at their unfamiliar manner of dress, their arms, their hair flowing over their shoulders, and, above all, at the great constancy of their spirit. For they were dressed in military cloaks, and were equipped with long spears and stood leaning on small shields, with large knives at their sides [ad renes, lit. at their kidneys]. 

[...]  

But Thiadrich was concerned for his own needs, and putting his trust in these men, he ordered them to prepare to assault the fortress. Leaving the presence of the king, the Saxons set up their fortified camp on the south side of the fortress in meadows adjacent to the river. At first light the next day, they took up their arms, attacked the outer works of the fortress, and burned them. After they had captured and burned the outer works, the Saxons formed a phalanx opposite the eastern gate of the main fortress. The men inside the walls, as they saw the phalanx being formed and realized that they were in extreme danger, boldly burst out of the gates and rushed against their adversaries in a blind rage. After both sides had hurled their spears, they began to fight with swords. 

A vicious battle ensued. Many died on both sides. The Thuringians were fighting for their fatherland, their wives and children, and finally for their own lives. The Saxons were fighting for glory and to gain land. There was a huge clamor from men encouraging each other, from the breaking of arms, and the groans of the dying. The entire day passed in this spectacle. Finally, when the dead lay everywhere, and cries were rising all over, and neither side had given any ground, the late hour finally brought the battle to an end. Many of the Thuringians were killed on this day, and many were wounded. The Saxon dead numbered six thousand."

- Witichindi Saxo, Res gestae Saxonicae sive annalium libri tres, 968

"But these withstood his first onset sturdily, and owing to the iron thoraxi and bronze helmets with which their persons were protected, and the great shields which they held in front of them, repelled the spear thrusts. But when the struggle came to swords and the work required skill no less than strength, suddenly, from the hills, fearful peals of thunder crashed down, and vivid flashes of lightning darted forth with them."

- Plutarch, Βίοι Παράλληλοι, Bíoi Parállēloi, Parallel Lives, Early 2nd Century

"If you find it written that at this stage the Castilians cut their lances shorter than when they brought them, you should consider it to be true and have no doubts about it, because many of them, though expecting to fight on horseback, when once they saw that the battle was being fought on foot, cut down their lances so as to wield them to better advantage, an act that was to bring them more trouble than benefit. 

Once they had let fly their lances, which caused little havoc to either side, and many of them heaped up in a trench between the two battle lines, they resorted to axes and swords. These swords were not as big as those used nowadays but were thick and narrow and known as estocs."

- Fernão Lopes, Cronica del Rei Dom Joham I, 1443

"King Pedro and the prince left Navarrete with all their companies on Saturday morning; they all dismounted and drew up their battle-lines in the way that we have outlined, a good distance before they reached the army of King Enrique. The latter also drew up his forces in the way that we have described, but before battle was joined, a number of horsemen and the soldiers following the banner of the town of Santesteban, all of whom had been with King Enrique, went over to King Pedro. Then the armies moved forward and came to close quarters. Count Sancho, King Enrique’s brother, Sir Bertrand, and all the knights who followed the banner of the Sash launched an attack on the vanguard advancing under the Duke of Lancaster and the constable. Those fighting alongside King Pedro and the prince bore red crosses set on white fields, whereas on that day those fighting alongside King Enrique wore sashes. They collided with such ferocity that all their lances fell to the ground, and so they began to strike each other with swords, axes and clubs, King Pedro’s men crying out, For Guyenne, Saint George!, and King Enrique’s troops For Castile, Saint James! They struck at each other with such force that the prince’s vanguard began to reel back about one pace, some of them being knocked to the ground, so that King Enrique’s men started to believe that they were winning and closed in, striking at them once more."

- Idem, Cronica del Rei Dom Fernando, 1443

"The English were on their feet now, and advancing step by step towards our men – and our men (God be their guard!) were closing on them. At their front the English had set a body of archers who loosed with such ferocity that their arrows were like a flying cloud, and when they fell upon the French the clattering hail on their shining helms was like the hammering of smiths on an anvil. But their volleys did no damage to our French, and the archers drew aside as the men-at-arms closed in. Jehan d'Évreux was running through the ranks calling to the English: 

Listen! Once you’ve locked with the French and start pushing them back, lay down your spears and go at them with axe and sword – cut and hew their spears and they’ll soon be routed. 

[...] 

The French clutched their massive lances and bravely thrust against the English, who reeled back in dismay. They dearly wanted to recover their lances but couldn't – they were being pushed further and further from where they lay. And French were attacking now from both flanks, falling on them from right and left, hewing with axes, cleaving heads, shoulders, arms, and staving shining bascinets; others were attacking with swords and daggers, probing gaps in armour to find flesh."

- Johannes Cuvelier, La Chanson de Bertrand du Guesclin, ~1380

"Thither went the twenty esquires in armour, with their perpuntes and their gonios, and their iron caps, with swords, but without lances, which they could not well wield within the towers. They went in, and as they entered they were taken into a house where there were thirty Saracens, who seized and bound them as they entered. Three of the esquires who saw what treachery was being done, drew their swords and ascended the staircase of the tower; the Saracens pursued, but could not overtake them. They got on to the top of the tower and defended it well, raising a cry for help. Those in ambush heard them and ran to their help. While the Saracens of Almaçora fought with them the knights and people in ambush came up. On their way thither they found a beam the Saracens had cut to make an algarada, for which, however, it did not answer; they got over the moat of the town, and putting the beam against the tower climbed up by it with the help of leather belts which those on the tower let down, so that the Saracens could not defend the tower. When the Saracens saw that, they got out of the tower and fled; but many were taken, and besides all their goods and stores. So was Almaçora taken."

- Jaume I, Commentari dels feyts esdeuenguts en la uida del molt alt senyor, &c., 1276

"Mago stationed his 10,000 men at the gates, some to sally out at a favorable opportunity with swords alone (since spears would be of no use in such a narrow space), and others to man the parapets."

- Appianos Alexandreus

But not only was the sword important for the spearmen or halberdiers or whatnot, but likewise for the archers, for obvious reasons. Archers, crossbowmen, handgunners, and other shooters all frequently charged; charging even pikemen (like at Bicocca (1522), although there are other examples of such happening as well). The famous example of archers charging at Azincourt (1415) is more the rule than the exception (especially bows and crossbows, which have short effective ranges, especially when shooting heavy arrows). And even when the archers or crossbowmen have shield-bearers to protect them, the shooters will have to get involved in the fight eventually.

"... and also the long swords [longues espees] that our archers and servants had performed a great feat."

- Philippe de Commynes, Chronique et hystoire, 1498, Translation by Me

"After the formation is arrayed, the drum sounds, and when the crossbowmen are a hundred and fifty paces [~225m] from the enemy [贼, lit. bandit], at once, they loose their arrows, and when the archers are sixty paces [~90m] from the enemy, at once, they loose their arrows. If the enemy arrives within twenty paces [~30m], together, the archers and crossbowmen immediately abandon their bows and crossbows, and order the reserve [驻队人, lit. stationed team people] to collect them. The archers bind their arms [i.e., sleeves] first, and then carry their swords or clubs [刀棒] with them, and promptly join the front to fight vigorously together."

- Du You, 通典, Tong Dian, 801, Translation by Me

"And on the other side the Lords Percy, warned of the coming of their enemies, ordered forward their vanguard led by the Earl of Douglas, and then when they came in sight of each other the archers dismounted uttering a loud and horrible cry which was dreadful to hear, and then began to march at a good pace in good order against each other, and the archers to draw so fast and thick that it seemed to the beholders like a thick cloud, for the sun which at that time was bright and clear then lost its brightness so thick were the arrows, and this was helped by the dust which new about together with the breath of the men who began to get heated, so that the air was quite darkened. After the arrows were exhausted they put their hands to swords and axes with which they began to slay each other, and the leaders of the advance guards striking their horses with their spurs and with lances couched struck each other."

- Jean de Wauvrin, Recueil des Croniques et Anchiennes Istories de la Grant Bretaigne, à présent nommé Engleterre, 1472

"The battle did not last long, for the Burgundian archers were armed with great swords [grandes espees], per the ordinance given to them by the Duke of Burgundy, & after the shot had passed, they delivered such great cuts with those swords that they would cut a man through the middle of the body, & an arm, & a thigh, depending on how the cut landed [s'adonnoit]: and the Liégeois (who could not endure the strength of the archers) [began] to flee, & each one saving themselves, as best as they could [qui mieux mieux], & finding no refuge, except in the dark night (which soon became obscure) and the Duke of Burgundy wished to go after [and] pass the night, and continue the chase, but those who were in charge, did not support it, for the dangers that could arise from it."

- Olivier de la Marche, Les mémoires de messire Olivier de la Marche, ~1502, Translation by Me

"On the other hand, when hand-to-hand fighting began, a good part of the English archers, having quickly thrown away their bows as is their custom and taken up the daggers and the swords which they always had ready to hand, rushed at a great pace into the advancing enemy."

- Polydori Vergilii, Anglicae Historiae, 1513

"... I then spurr'd to them, where I began to remonstrate to Monsieur de Termes his Gentlemen, that it was not above nine or ten days since we had fought with the Italians, and beaten them, and now that we should fight with the Spaniards to obtain greater honor, must they escape from us? Who thereupon with one voice all cryed out, It does not stick at us, It does not stick at us. I then ask'd them if they would promise me to charge so soon as I should have made the Harquebusiers betake themselves to their Swords, to run in upon them, which they did assure me they would upon pain of their lives... and thereupon ran to my Harquebusiers, where being come, I told them, that it was now no longer time to shoot, but that we must fall on to the Sword. Captains, my Camrades, whenever you shall happen to be at such a feast as this, press your followers, speak first to one, and then to another, bestir your selves, and doubt not but by this means you will render them valiant throughout, if they but half so before. They all on a suddain clap'd hands to their Swords, when so soon as Captain Mons, who was a little before, and Monsieur de Cental, who was on one side, saw the first Troop shut down their Beavers, and saw me run to the Harquebusiers, and in an instant their Swords in their hands, they knew very well that I had met with Lads of mettle, and began to draw near. I for my part lighted from my horse, taking a Halbert in my hand (which was my usual weapon in fight) and all of us ran headlong to throw our selves in amongst the Enemy."

- Blaize de Montluc, The Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, 1592

"We marcht straight up to them, and so soon as they were come up within arrow shot, our Harquebuzeers gave their volley all at once, and then clapt their hands to their swords, as I had commanded, and we ran on to come to blows; but so soon as we came within two or three pikes length, they turn'd their backs with as great facility as any Nation that ever I saw, and we pursued them as far as the River, close by the Town, and there were four or five of our Soldiers who followed them to the other side."

- Idem, The Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, 1592

"These orders being given, all of us both Foot and Horse march'd directly towards the Enemy, and when I expected their Harquebusiers should have thrown themselves into the hollow, so soon as they should see our men come full drive upon them, they quite contrary march'd straight up to our men, and all at a clap gave fire within less than four Pikes length of one another. Now I had given order to our men, that so soon as they had powr'd in their shot, without standing to charge again, they should run up to them, and fall to the Sword, which they also did, and I with the Pikes ran to the end of the hollow, and fell in desperately amongst them. In the mean time Ydrou and Tilladet charg'd Monsieur de Trinitat, and put him to rout, and our Harquebusiers and theirs threw themselves altogether into the hollow: but ours had the upper hand, and our Pike men had thrown away their Pikes, and were fallen to't with the Sword, and so couragiously fighting we came all up to the Wagons, Captain Mons, and all, which were all overturn'd in a moment, and all their men put to flight towards two houses which stood in the bottom of the plain, where, still pursuing our Victory, and the Horse still firing amongst them, very few of them reach'd the houses."

- Idem, The Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, 1592

"The Enemy seeing us come on with such resolution, and the Cavalry following in our Rear, thought it the wisest course to retire. I was by this time advanced where we were plying one another, with good round vollies of shot, at fifty paces distance, and we had a good mind to fall on to the Sword, when the Marquess, and another Gentleman with him, came himself on horseback to stay me. I think he did ill in it; for had we all passed thorough, we had certainly pursued them fighting up to the very Gates of Naples. There was in this place very many on both sides beaten to the ground, that never rose again, and I admire how I escaped, but my hour was not come."

- Idem, The Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, 1592

"I then immediately made fifteen or twenty Soldiers leap in after the four Captains, and as all these were within, le Bourg, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas passed and entred into the Fort. I caused the Torches to be set upon the Rampire, that we might see, and not kill one another, and my self entred by the same way Signior Cornelio had gone before me. Now neither Pikes, Halberts, nor Harquebuzes could serve us for any use here, for we were at it with Swords and Steeletto's, with which we made them leap over the Curtains by the same way they had entred, excepting those who were killed within. There were yet however some remaining in the Tower, when Captain Charry came up to us, though but eight days before he had received an Harquebuz shot in his head, and such a one as that thereupon we had given him for dead, notwithstanding there he was with his Sword and Target, and a Morrion upon his head, ever the Cap that cover'd his wound: a good heart will ever manifest itself; for though he was desperately hurt, yet would he have his share of the fight."

- Idem, The Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, 1592

"Have some of the ranks lie in ambush. Have the archers dismount, with yourself in the front line. And let many grizzled warriors be in the lead, for such are both battle-hardened and obedient. Younger men of lesser rank may be very keen for battle, but as soon as you turn your back, their ardor is extinguished. So put trusty men in the van and in the rear, and some also in the wings, both left and right. Then, as they approach the opposing force, let them meet them head on and raise a shout. They should let fly their arrows while yet at some distance; as they draw closer, attack with their spears; and when they engage in the fray, use sword and axe, grab hold of the collar, fight tooth and nail! Stand firm, never show your back to the enemy. Pierce him through, or else die fighting."

- Yusuf Khass Hajib, Kutadgu Bilig, 1070

"On the 12th of the Seventh Month, at the Hour of the Horse, Nobunaga launched his attack toward the southeast. After some hours of fighting, the enemy was routed. As a man called Hayashi Yashichirō, a native of the village of Asano who was a famous archer, was fleeing from the battlefield with his bow, Hashimoto Ippa, the famous harquebusier, went for him. Since they were long-time friends, Yashichirō shouted to Ippa, “I’m not about to spare your life!” “Understood,” was the response. Yashichirō nocked a shaft fitted with an arrowhead about four sun [twelve centimeters] long to his bow, turned back, and sent the arrow flying deep into Ippa’s armpit. But Ippa, who had loaded his harquebus with a double charge, took aim and fired, too. Yashichirō fell to the ground. Right then, one of Nobunaga’s pages, Sawaki Tōhachi, rushed to the scene with the intention of taking Hayashi’s head. Still lying on the ground, Yashichirō managed to unsheathe his sword and strike Tōhachi at the left elbow, lopping off the forearm along with the gauntlet. But Tōhachi, far from giving up, kept at it and finally took his head. Hayashi Yashichirō was a great swordsman as well as an unparalleled archer."

- Ota Gyuichi, 信長公記, Shinchō kōki, 1598

"When the third day came, the Yacata prepared his people and sent them out to make an impromptu assault on the enemy, first with muskets and arrows, and then immediately dropping the bows and muskets and taking out their katanas. [He also ordered them] to not waste time with taking the heads of those who had been killed (which the Japanese were wont to do) so as not to embarrass themselves by killing fewer of the enemy. And the Yacata exhorted them to comport themselves as good and strong soldiers, who had long been renowned in battle. They assaulted the enemy with such fury and fought so valiantly that they destroyed all the Chinese squadrons and killed more than thirty thousand men. They pursued those who fled and halted their retreat at a river, where many Chinese drowned. They cut a swathe with their katana blades through others who were unable to take shelter. The Japanese were tired of killing and their katanas were blunt and misshapen by cutting. With this victory and great slaughter, the Yacata of Satsuma left fields strewn with dead Chinese. He was highly renowned and received great honor."

- Francisco Rodriguez, Relação do fim e remate que teve a guerra da Corea, 1599

This event occurred during the Imjin War. The Koyo Gunkan (甲陽軍鑑) likewise remarks that the harquebusiers and archers drew their swords after shooting in one battle in the 16th century (I believe it was Nagashino) (I have not attempted to translate it yet, as the Koyo Gunkan is very hard to translate).

General Quotes

"Know that there is no weapon among weapons that is described with [such] nobility, and that is so valuable that its possessor is proud of it and that achieves victory with it, except the sword, because it has respect and superiority over all the weapons. [They] also beat the armies with its name. They say: We conquered it by sword. This is such a weapon that all the people use it; the one who knows [how to wield it] and the one who does not, young and old are protected by it everywhere. And it is [such] a good brother that it does not become inactive in wide or even in narrow places. One needs it on the sea and on the land and in a crowd. On a very windy day the lance becomes a burden for its possessor, but this never becomes useless. And on that day the archer can not shoot his arrow straight, no one can do without the sword. No matter how many weapons are at your disposal, you are certain to say: Among every class of people and in every land there is no weapon other than the sword with which they [can always] fight and that weapon is identified with them. Although they have many weapons, they would never be able to do without the sword, but those who have a sword can do without all the other weapons."

- Anonymous, Munyatu'l-ghuzat, Wish of the Warriors of the Faith, 14th Century

"The sword dispenses with other weapons, but almost no others can replace it. Does it not always accompany the employment of all others? So says Yami al-Muharibi: When a sword strikes with a sword, there is no other option."

- Ibn Hudayl

"Whatever I say of the sword, in sum: it is the Sultan of weapons. Whatever is said about other weapons, like the spear, is vain boasting. For the roses of the sword are the shield of Heaven’s Garden. The sword’s hyacinths descend from Paradise’s lilies."

- Nasuh ibn Karagoz, Ṭuhfat al-ghuzāt, Treatise dedicated to the Holy Warriors, 1533

"Everyone holds that the sword is the queen of weapons, because all the others have some exception [in their use], and that the sword is worn everywhere and in all companies. So that in the army the soldier puts down all kind of weapons except for the sword. This is a great ignorance of all those who show to handle several kinds of weapons, and do not show the single sword only because he can barely teach the handling of several kinds of weapons, if they ignore the handling of the principal; one must therefore exercise it from the beginning otherwise it is beating the head against the wall, as the saying goes."

- Andre des Bordes, Discours de la théorie de la pratique et de l'excellence des armes, 1610

"An impression prevails among civilians, and to a limited extent among military men, who are not well informed, that the musket and bayonet has the advantage over the sword in single combat. This impression is entirely erroneous, and is unsustained by any well-defined scientific principle or any practical test that can entitle it to a moment’s consideration. On the contrary, there are thousands of well-authenticated cases on record where men who were not expert swordsmen have defeated men of equal or superior strength, armed with muskets and bayonets. The lance may be considered a formidable weapon under certain circumstances; but in a mêlée or a hand-to-hand fight, when opposed to the sword, it is utterly worthless. The same may be said of the bayonet."

- Matthew J. O'Rourke, A New System of Sword Exercise, 1872

This is just his opinion, and in his period not all shared it (but others did, such as Louis E. Nolan, among others).

"Formerly it was a received opinion that the lance was particularly formidable in single encounters, that the lancer should be a light, active horseman, and that space was required whereon he might manage his horse and turn him always towards the object at which he was to thrust. But of late there seems to be rather a disposition to take up Marshal Marmont's notion of arming heavy cavalry with lances, to break infantry as well as cavalry. All seem to forget that a lance is useless in a mêlée, —that the moment the lancer pulls up and the impulsive power is stopped, that instant the power of the weapon is gone. 

[...]

Let us allow, for the sake of argument, that a lance of a proper length, handy, well poised, and held at its centre, reaches further beyond the horse's head than the point of a sword held at arm's length: in what way can this conduce to success, when it is universally acknowledged that it is the superior impetus and speed of one of the advancing lines which overthrows the other; the weapons only coming into play afterwards? 

[...]

If lances be such good weapons, surely those who wield them ought to acquire great confidence in them, whereas it is well known that, in battle, lancers generally throw them away, and take to their swords. I never spoke with an English lancer who had been engaged in the late Sikh wars that did not declare the lance to be a useless tool, and a great incumbrance in close conflict. 

[...]

The French lancers in attacking lancers of other nations often slung their lances, and drew their swords. General de Brack recommends swordsmen, engaged with lancers, to close upon them, and crowd them together. He says, "The lancers jammed together, can neither point nor parry, and one of two things must happen; they will either throw down their lances, in order to get at their swords, or they will retain their lances, and in this case you will have the best of the bargain. Our pivot files in the lancers of the Imperial guard did not carry lances. I remember upon two occasions in 1814 (at Hoagstraten, near Breda, and at Pont-à-Trecir, below Lisle) having to deal with Russian and Prussian lancers, who, like ourselves, held their own upon narrow roads with deep ditches on either hand. I placed carabineers at the head of my column, and made my lancers follow ; and these last put their lances in the bucket, and drew their swords ; and, having penetrated the enemy, our success so far surpassed our hopes, that we cut them down without damage to ourselves.""

- Louis E. Nolan, Cavalry, 1853

"A rider well trained in sabre and having confidence in his weapon, gifted with composure can combat a lancer with advantage. 

The lancer is, without doubt, favoured by the length of his weapon. 

But it is a game with little variation; he only has a thrust to give and, if he misses, he has little chance of defending himself from blows with the shaft of the lance. When the rider armed with a sabre makes contact with a lance he has the advantage of the situation. He will find himself to the side of the length of the weapon and out of his reach, while he himself, as the distance closes, with his relatively short weapon, finds himself in range to deliver either a thrust or a cut."

- A. Allessandri & E. André, L’escrime du sabre à cheval, 1899

As of writing this, this post is very unfinished. However, the core is good enough on its own and  expresses my opinions on the matter well enough. There will be lots of things added and finished, and perhaps more things fleshed out. Even this unfinished mess took me forever, so I hope I convinced you on this matter!

- William

Updated 11.22.24 - Added quotes by Pietro Monte, Anna Komnene, Cosmas Decanus, Willelmi Malmesbiriensis, Charles Royle, Witichindi Saxo, Plutarch, Fernão Lopes, Johannes Cuvelier, Jaume I, Francisco Rodriguez, Andre des Bordes, Matthew J. O'Rourke.

Updated 11.24.24 - Finished with dates, titles, and authors. Removed WIP status.

Updated 11.27.24 - Added quotes by Louis E. Nolan, A. Allessandri & E. André.

Updated 11.28.24 - Added quotes by Plutarch, Diodorus, Polybius, Appianos Alexandreus.